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Extra resources for Japan's Competing Modernities: Issues in Culture and Democracy 1900-1930
The Foreign Ministry spokesman issuing these figures in 1932 added that they did not include large numbers of Koreans living in the interior; “one million at least” was his total figure for Koreans in Manchuria and Mongolia in 1931 (Young 1932, 253). Up to half of the Korean population in Manchuria lived north of the Tumen River in the southeast corner of Jilin province, an area known as Jiandao (Kantò in Japanese, today known as Yanbian in Chinese). This borderlands region on the edges of China, Korea, and Russia was not considered part of the south Manchurian region, where after 1905 Japanese enjoyed a wider range of rights and privileges than in other areas of China proper.
As a whole, these essays have their basis in original, new research, and open up alternative avenues of exploration for the twentieth century. Even though our cutoff point has been 1930, the authors are in step with the latest scholarship in Japanese studies, which treats the twentieth century as a continuous historical entity. If, as Sheldon Garon contends in his “Rethinking Modernization and Modernity in Japanese History,” the imperative “is to understand more fully the historical forces that made Japan what it is today” (Garon 1994), then this group of studies on “Japan’s Competing Modernities” in the early twentieth century may shed light on some of the most challenging questions for her history in the whole century.
3). After the Russo-Japanese War, consuls in Manchuria were designated joint employees of the Chòsen Sòtokufu to undertake the care of resident Koreans, with some funds coming from that source (for 1923, see Chòsen Sòtokufu 1923, 868). Other employees of the Chòsen Sòtokufu were some- 36 BROOKS times sent on assignments to the Japanese consulates in Manchuria to oversee Korean-related matters, but the Foreign Ministry’s personnel were almost solely responsible for the affairs of resident Koreans in Manchuria.