By Marta Bolognani
The Britain of the early twenty-first century has develop into ate up through heightened matters approximately violent crime and terrorism when it comes to Muslim groups within the West. the following Marta Bolognani fills a massive hole in criminology and diaspora reviews via an exhaustive research into crime between British Pakistanis. via designated ethnographic statement and interview information, Bolognani indicates how Bradford Pakistanis’ perceptions of crime and regulate are a mixture of the formal and casual, or British and ‘traditional’ Pakistani, which are now not separable within the diasporic context. She additionally examines neighborhood and nationwide nation rules which are geared to combating crime and exhibits how crime involves be understood by means of individuals in addition to institutional actors. delivering a counterpoint to the ‘taboo’ of conversing approximately crime and race in cultural phrases, Crime and Muslim Britain is key for all these attracted to criminology, ethnicity and the predicaments of Muslim groups today.
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Additional info for Crime and Muslim Britain: Race, Culture and the Politics of Criminology among British Pakistanis (Library of Crime and Criminology)
When he reviews the work of Mawby and Batta (see above), for example, there is no acknowledgement of the study of resistance to racism at the time, in spite of the work being based on research done just before the creation of the Bradford Twelve (see Chapter Three). Rather, Quraishi’s preoccupation is with their overlooking of Islam. Quraishi’s choice, instead, is to outline Islam’s supposed stance with regard to criminal law and to test the perceptions and behaviour of his two sample groups against it.
The Taboo of Criminological Research 15 milestones of the critique of the Asian ‘culture-rich/culture-bound’ nature that contributed to ‘othering’ individuals of such backgrounds (Alexander 2000:13). After the 1995 riots in Bradford, furthermore, Asian Muslims’ culture has been seen as backward in opposition to modern British culture (ibid:10). If the assumption is that a culture is backward, studies thus generated may result in being patronising and in pathologising. The solution would therefore be: to argue for a more nuanced, local and historically situated account of identity formation, which encapsulates often contradictory processes of continuity and change, constraint and agency, solidarity and diffusion, representation and re-imagination.
The premises seem therefore to be consistent with a colonial model based on alienation from cultural capital and from political praxis. At the same time the acknowledgement of different class-based strategies to fight oppression and build alternative support systems—such as the ones of ‘mainliners’ (ibid:223)—are enough to inscribe Pryce’s work in the neo-colonial framework as defined by Tatum. The most controversial part of his work, however, appears to be the idea that an entire population has been deprived of a specific culture due to colonial oppression.